Should I write to the former German states under the Danish King, or, to those of the German Democratic Republic, the former of whom with I might share greater historical political sympathies, and the latter of whose sympathies, as a conservative, and as a scientist, I might engender an appreciation for. No, I think not.
One has the German relation with the Arabs, of whom your scientists have not understood the background of. I of course express here my sympathies with the GDR research, and the translation’s work on the Soviet publication as Silizium und Leben, Akadamie-Verlag, Berlin, 1975, but such research was not, as of the political milieu, pursued.
Among your Western writers, you have those of populist appeal, Wallraff & Engelmann, Herr Grass, but I find not much, a limited, foreign appeal among such writings.
Among the pre-1990 FRG writings, of which I cite appreciation for, are the texts, and treatises, and medical case studies of doctors Franz Morrell (Freisenheim) and Reinhold Voll (Plochingen), and to a minor aspect that of Heinz-Hartmut Vogel (publishers in Eckwälden/Bad Boll).
Also one can list the work of the editors of Physikalische Medizin und Rehabilitation, Zeitschrift für praxisnahe Medizin, Organ des Zentralverbandes der Ärtze für Naturheilverfahren e.V., H. Haferkamp, R.F. Weiß, K. Schimmel, and K.H. Caspers, and the scientific advisers, M.v. Ardenne, A. Becker, H. Bialonski, J. Brand, F. Brantner, N. Breidenbach, P. Dosch, H. Fleischhacker, K. Franke, P. Frick, W. Galwick, H. Giesenbauer, H. Hamsen, E. Höllischer, H. Huneke, W.H. Kahlert, J. Kaiser, G. Kelner, K. Kötschau, W. Kohlrausch, H. Kolb, H. Krauß, R.v. Leitner, H. Mensen, W.v. Nathusius, H.D. Neumann, H. Paul, A. Pischinger, A. Rost, H. Seyfarth, O. Schumacher-Wandersleb, R. Voll, H.L. Walb, H. Winterberg, and W. Zimmermann.
The writings of Justus von Liebig, his research on dietary provisions of farm animals, from Chemische Briefe, 1844, is appreciated, though his (separate) interpretation of formulæ’s supplementation to human infants is short-coming.
Noted are your pharmaceutical manufacturers, a quality review of their products, is maintaining the efficacy thereof.
Yet, you have lacked an understanding of the following:
The publication of R. Voll, Indikationsliste der Nosoden und ihre Begleigttherapie für die ärztliche und zahnärztliche Praxis, 4, erweiterte Auflage 1966, and 5, erweiterte Auflage, 1998, with, in the newer edition, the inclusion of marzipan and of cacao under the heading of Genußgifte; this section should include also the sal ammoniac, productions of salt-licorice.
Sal ammoniac, NH4Cl, originally as presumed from the East Indian medicine as Dorema ammoniacum, Geschichte der Botanik, 1855, Vol. 2, p. 167, is in Europe added to licorice or formerly used in atomisers for the throat and the loosening of bronchial secretions. NH4Cl is an intestinal and hepatic stimulant, but it is also referred to as of a mild diuretic action, in fact it is toxic to the urological and reproductive organs.
Your journalists, should I return to that subject, I refer here to Daniel Mornet, Précis de Littérature Française, Larousse, Paris, 1925, on the positivist Hippolyte Taine:
« Ce déterminisme d’était pas nouveau : la race, le milieu (se qu’on appelait les climats), le moment même avaient été allégués avant Taine, par Montesquieu et d’autres, dès le XVIIIe siècle. L’originalité de Taine est de les avoir ordonnés dans un système rigoureux et puissamment illustré d’exemples. Elle est surtout d’y avoir ajouté autre chose qui les anime et qui les transpose. »
...« L’art de Taine pourrait se définir : positivisme et passion. »
and, to the (intentions) of the French writer Émile Zola, from Germinal, in reprint, Pocket Classiques 1998 edition, with commentary by Gérard Gemgembre, Les Clés de L’Œuvre : II - Dossier Historique et Littéraire, Zola et Germinal (Texte n° 1) :
L’AMBITION SCIÉNTIFIQUE DU ROMAN « Observation stricte du réel, soumission du roman aux lois du savoir scientifique, mise en évidence d’une déterminisme : Zola entend faire du roman une enterprise objective. De la théorie à la practique, la création fictionelle gagne considérablement en charge poétique et fantasmatique. Cependant, le manifeste naturaliste de Zola exprime aussi une ambition humanitaire : le romanier participe pleinement au progrès. »
« Et j’arrive ainsi au gros reproche dont on croit accabler les romanciers naturalistes en les traintant de fatalistes. Que de fois on a voulu nous prouver que, du moment où nous n’acceptions pas le libre arbitre, du moment où l’homme n’était plus pour nous qu’une machine animale agissant sous l’influence de l’hérédité et des milieux, nous tombions à un fatalisme grossier, nous ravalions l’humanité au rang d’un troupeau marchant sous le bâton de la destinée ! Il faut préciser : nous ne sommes pas fatalistes, nous sommes déterministes, ce qui n’est point la même chose. Claude Bernard explique très bien les deux termes « Nous avons donné le nom de déterminisme à la cause prochaine ou déterminante des phénomènes. Nous n’agissons jamais sur l’essence des phénomènes de la nature, mais seulement sur leur déterminisme, et par cela seul que nous agissons sur lui, le déterminisme diffère du fatalisme sur lequel on ne saurait agir. Le fatalisme suppose la manifestation nécessaire d’un phénomène indépendant de ses conditions, tandis que le déterminisme est la condition nécessaire d’un phénomène dont la manifestation n’est pas forcée. Une fois que la recherche du déterminisme des phénomènes est posée comme le principe fondamental de la méthode expérimentale, il n’y a plus ni matérialisme, ni spiritualisme, ni matière brute, ni matière vivante ; il n’y a que des phénomènes dont il faut déterminer les conditions, c’est-à-dire les circonstances qui jouent par rapport à ces phénomènes le rôle de cause prochaine. » Ceci est décisif. Nous ne faisons qu’appliquer cette méthode dans nos romans, et nous sommes donc des déterministes qui, expérimentalement, cherchant à déterminer les conditions des phénomènes, sans jamais sortir, dans notre investigation, des lois de la nature. Comme le dit trés bien Claude Bernard, du moment où nous pouvons agir, et où nous agissons sur le déterminisme des phénomènes, en modifiant les milieux par example, nous ne sommes pas des fatalistes.
Voilà donc le rôle moral du romancier expérimentateur bien défini. Souvent j’ai dit que nous n’avions pas à tirer une conclusion de nos œurves, et cela signifie que nos œuvres portent leur conclusion en elles. Un expérimentateur n’a pas à conclure, parce que, justement, l’expérience conclut pour lui. Cent fois, s’il le faut, il répétera l’expérence devant le public, il l’expliquera, mais il n’aura ni à s’indigner, ni à approuver personnellement : telle est la vérité , tel est le mécanisme des phénomènes ; c’est à la société de produire toujours ou de ne plus produire ce phénomène, si le résultat en est utile ou dangereux. On ne conçoit pas, je l’ai dit ailleurs, un savant se fâchant contre l’azote, parce que l’azote est impropre à la vie ; il supprime l’azote, quand il est nuisible, et pas davantage. Comme notre pourvoir n’est pas le même que celui de ce savant, comme nous sommes des expérimentateurs sans être des praticiens, nous devons nous contenter de chercher le déterminisme des phénomènes sociaux, en laissant aux législateurs, aux hommes d’application, le soin de diriger tôt ou tard ces phénomènes, de façon à développer les bons et à réduire les mauvais, au point de vue de l’utilité humaine.
Je résume notre rôle de moralistes expérimentateurs. Nous montrons le mécanisme de l’utile et du nuisible, nous dégageons le déterminisme des phénomènes humains et sociaux, pour qu’on puisse un jour dominer et diriger ces phénomènes. En un mot, nous travaillons avec tout le siècle à la grande œuvre qui est la conquête de la nature, la puissance de l’homme décuplée. Et voyez à côte de la nôtre, la besogne des écrivains idéalistes, qui s’appuient sur l’irrationnel et le surnaturel, et dont chaque élan est suivi d’une chute profonde dans le chaos métaphysique. C’est nous qui avons la force, c’est nous qui avons la morale. »
Émile Zola, Introduction au Roman expérimental, 1880.
Zola had, according to the Englishman Douglas Parmée, in writing of Zola’s ideas under the influence of Claude Bernard, thought to “use the novel as a sort of laboratory to prove ...hypotheses”, one recalls Le Roman Expérimental, as an analogue to Bernard’s Introduction à la médecine expérimentale, Zola had by the time he wrote La Terre abandoned such nonsensical ideas, according to the Englishman, but Parmée insists that in the result “psychology was not ruthlessly sacrificed to physiology”.
My colleague of course, a doctor from Hamburg, I shall omit his name, has pointed out the limits of the adoption of a positivistic belief system, where “the progress of elementary needs and the limits of the biological reaction possibilities goes unnoticed, and where things are confused with a substitute performance”. Here, in fact, comes the dialectic-materialist analysis where the interactions of sociology, pædagogy, and disease susceptiblity can be elaborated upon.
It is unfortunate therefore that Zola has not – as a naturalist – pursued his Roman expérimental, in the writing of La Terre; he may have approached the realm of Socialist realism.
Should one ask, do I have displeasure over the German foreign policy, or animosity towards the German peoples, over the involvement of the state and of a German firm in the violation of the 1990 Final Settlement Regarding Germany, well, that is, the conspiracy to engage in use of enhanced radiation weaponry, neutron bombs, as against the Arab (Iraqis), my sympathies are for the restoration of science, which, the German bourgeoisie, cannot claim exclusive prerogatives over.
The following represents my commentary on DRA captured documents, circa 1983, this current provision to the German parliament, of course obliges immediate withdrawal of the German contingent from the Emirate of Afghanistan, and of an immediate cessation of German support, diplomatic, or other foreign policy measures, to the post-occupation political entity established in the Republic of Iraq.
I convey my trust that the German parliament will establish a foreign policy committee to address German representation at the listed reparations’ tribunalhttp://www.iraq-war.ru/ article/165622 (dead link, redirect here).
Sincerely, Eric Lindblad – 12 October 2009.
Documents from Afghanistan - Nov. & Dec., 1983.
Editor - Eric Lindblad
Note from the present editor, Eric Lindblad:
There are two errors in the below Soviet text, one is that of reference to the high esteem of which the UN charter is held by the Soviet editors, I cannot herewith comment on the Helsinki Final Act, but it is known that I am sympathetic with the Helsinki process, as defined as CSCE, not as of the subsequent re-named OSCE. The second is that of the Soviet assistance to Afghanistan in the 1950's period, again in the period following the Revolution of Saur 7, 1357 (April 27, 1978) which led to the creation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA) on Jadi 6, 1358 (December 27, 1979), the Introduction of the Soviet publication is not reproduced here, however in the first page thereof is mention of “agriculture in pre-revolutionary Afghanistan as being backward, characterized by low technical level and predominant use of manual labour”, it is presumed that in both periods, that of beginning in the mid-1950's, subsequent to General Secretary J. Stalin's death, that is the period of N. Khrushchev, as General Secretary, and in the period following the establishment of the DRA, that in both instances there were Soviet foreign policy measures towards, albeit with Afghan govt. expressed sympathies, towards the mechanization of sectors of Afghan agriculture. Herewith it has since been elaborated on the deficiencies of the Khrushchev 'virgin land's' projects, domestically within the Soviet republics, and of noted lack of Soviet scientific understanding of the nature and capabilities of the Afghan agricultural terrain zones. Indeed application of a more modern construct of dialectic-materialism, transposed with Islamic conceptions of water usage, the use of, marine, brown algæ's ash, sodium reduced, as applied with manual labour, on beds & fields, where plants for production of composts would be pursued, would provide for a more comprehensive agronomical policy, and of medical benefit for the Afghan peoples, through dietary provisions of ultra-trace elements present in seawater, which can be depleted from soils where industrial-technical agricultural practices are pursued.
The following documents/extracts will be attached to the reparations tribunal scheduled for August 28, 2010, in Denmark; see “Reciprocal Warfare and its Critiqué by the Natural Law School” on the Russian Internet site Iraq-War Mirror, in the Historical analysis section, ashttp://www.iraq-war.ru/article/165622 (dead link, redirect here).
The chapter on Foreign Journalists Reporting on Afghanistan, includes a reproduction of a report from the French newspaper l'Humanite, of February 28, 1985, by Serge Leyrac, which refers to the counter-revolutionaries [under US auspices – Ed.] carrying out assassinations and other acts of terrorism, attacking schools and teachers, doctors and hospitals, and of people responsible for the Land and Water Reform, and of the worst terrorist acts that are carried out “blindly”, such as setting off bombs in cinemas, mosques or in buses, other transportation facilities as the Kabul airport.
The similar as conveyed under the foreign occupation in Iraq.
Further that the USA would allege as basis for invasion of Iraq in 2002-2003, both in the legislative bills and executive administrative section statements, that Iraq had possession of chemical WMD, when the USSR copied and published (1986) DRA captured counter-revolutionary documents referring to, under US auspices, the conspiracy to use against the Afghan populace weaponised poisonous chemical substances, deserves at present international diplomatic attention.
THE TRUTH ABOUT AFGHANISTAN
Novosti Press Agency Publishing House
Moscow 1986
Compiled by:
Vladimir ASHITKOV
Karen GEVORKYAN
Vladimir SVETOZAROV
© Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, 1986
Editing completed on December 11, 1985.
Chapter 2 – USSR-AFGHANISTAN: TRADITIONS OF FRIENDSHIP
The basis of Soviet-Afghan relations was laid in the first years following the 1917 Socialist Revolution in Russia. The Revolution made null and void the imperialist Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1907 on the division of the spheres of influence in the East, which seriously encroached on Afghanistan's national sovereignty. The first Soviet foreign-policy acts, in particular the Decree on Peace and the appeal “To All the Working Muslims of Russia and the East”, were enthusiastically welcomed by Afghanistan's patriotic circles working for their country's complete independence from Britain.
Afghanistan achieved independence in early 1919. And the Soviet state became the first officially to recognize its southern neighbour's independence.
In early April 1919, Emir Amanullah Khan of Afghanistan sent a message of friendship to Moscow in which he addressed Vladimir Lenin and his associates as “friends of mankind who undertook the noble and honourable task of working for peace and the well-being of the people and who proclaimed the principle of freedom and equality of all countries and nations of the world”.
Lenin's reply to the message was dated May 27, 1919, which became an official date marking the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries.
The Soviet-Afghan Treaty of Friendship signed in 1921 became a milestone in the development of bilateral ties. What are the main features of that accord which has retained its importance to this day? To begin with, it was the first equal treaty concluded by the independent Afghan state with a great power. It helped strengthen Afghanistan's political sovereignty and positions on the world scene. British imperialism had to reckon with the fact that the Afghan people were no longer alone. The British government had for a long time refused to recognize Afghanistan's national sovereignty. However, after the Soviet-Afghan Treaty had been signed Britain was forced to recognize officially the country's independence and sovereignty.
The Treaty enshrined in legal terms the principled policy of the world's first socialist state aimed at developing friendly, equitable and mutually beneficial relations with Afghanistan. Although the young Soviet state was itself in dire straits after the devastating world war and Civil war, in keeping with the Treaty it immediately gave both economic and military aid, which was quite considerable for those days, to its southern neighbour. Among other things, it supplied equipment for telegraph lines, sent technical specialists, built a gunpowder factory, and granted a loan of one million gold roubles. That marked the beginning of technical and economic assistance by the Soviet state to Afghanistan. This assistance steadily increased in subsequent years, especially over the past few decades.
The importance of the 1921 Treaty lies in the fact that for the first time in history an inter-state agreement affirmed principles reflecting a new type of international relationship: non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality, and mutual respect. These principles were later embodied in the UN Charter and in the Helsinki Final Act. The same principles formed the basis of the subsequent treaties and agreements signed between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan: the 1926 Paghman Pact of Neutrality and Non-Aggression and a similar treaty signed in 1931. Thanks to the latter treaty Afghanistan was able to stand up to Nazi Germany's attempts in the late 1930's and early 1940's to violate its neutrality status and drag it into the Second World War on its side.
Forty years have passed since the end of that war, the most devastating in human history. Afghanistan was not touched by its flames, but Afghan people are well aware that this became possible only thanks to the Soviet Union, the valour of its Armed Forces, and the staunchness of its people – 20 million Soviet people lost their lives in the fight against the Nazi invaders. The Nazi hordes in their advance on the Middle East and Central Asia were halted on the banks of the Volga and the mountains of the Caucasus at the price of incredible sacrifices made by the Soviet people.
The defeat of fascism, to which the Soviet Union made the decisive contribution, saved Afghanistan and other Asian countries and peoples from Nazi enslavement. It has also paved the way for the further all-round development of Soviet-Afghan friendly ties. In postwar years Soviet economic assistance to its southern neighbour has markedly increased. The scope of bilateral economic and technical cooperation has particularly widened since the mid-1950's. Several large projects in the food, power, and metal-working industries, irrigation facilities and highways were built and put into operation in Afghanistan. Trade also grew at a rapid pace.
What is important is that the Soviet Union, while giving extensive economic assistance to Afghanistan, never demanded any privileges for itself, never attached any political stings to it, never sought any advantages at the expense of its southern neighbour's national interests. Equipment supplied by the Soviet Union to Afghanistan has always been of high quality, and it is usually sold at prices below those of the world market. Soviet credits are provided on a long-term basis, with interest rates being favourable to the Afghan side.
Intensive development of economic ties with the USSR enabled Afghanistan in the 1970's to lay the groundwork for setting up a chemical, gas and power industry and several other industrial sectors of its own. The Soviet Union also helped the Afghans to train their own specialists and skilled workers.
In recent years much has been written in the West about Soviet policy towards Afghanistan, whose authors try to find some “selfish” motives in the policy, motives that encouraged the Soviet Union to develop all-round economic and other ties with Afghanistan in the 1920's and again in the 1950's and 1970's. But their efforts are in vain, for such motives simply do not exist. The fact is that the Soviet Union is moved by a genuine desire to establish good, friendly relations with a neighbouring state.
Political relations between the Soviet republic, the world's first socialist country, and Afghanistan, a semi-feudal monarchy, were characterized by the observance of generally accepted standards of international behaviour, including recognition of each other's sovereign rights. Moreover, the relations were developed in a way that helped protect both countries' national interests. Afghanistan had always found understanding and support on the part of the Soviet Union in pursuing a policy of positive neutrality and non-alignment, in repulsing the numerous attempts by imperialist circles to draw it into aggressive military-political blocs, and in defending its right to follow an independent policy both at home and on the international scene. The Soviet Union, for its part, appreciated Afghanistan's desire to develop good relations with its northern neighbour and its firm commitment to neutrality. Afghanistan could always rely and did rely on Soviet support in pursuing this policy. That was clearly seen in the mid-1950's when relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan became extremely tense. The imperialist circles headed by the USA tried to use the Pushtun crisis to put increasing pressure on Afghanistan and involve it in their anti-Soviet strategy in the Middle East. Significantly, already then Pakistan served as a tool of US subversive, anti-Afghan actions.
To deny to Afghanistan the right of transit across Pakistani territory was tantamount to an economic blockade. Under those conditions the Soviet Union complied with the Afghan government's request on the transit of goods across Soviet territory, thus giving it effective help in breaking the economic blockade.
In assessing the development of Soviet-Afghan relations prior to the 1978 National-Democratic Revolution, one should bear in mind that even in the most complex international situations they provided an example of peaceful and mutually beneficial cooperation between states with different social systems. It was an example of how relations should be shaped between neighbours, including those following different paths of social development.
Chapter 5 – "PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE" AGAINST THE DRA Appendix, Item 4
Who is Using Chemical Weapons in Afghanistan?
(Excerpts from a report on a press conference held for Afghan and foreign journalists at the DRA Ministry of Foreign Affairs on February 27, 1984)
As has been announced at the press conference held on February 27, 1984, the DRA Armed Forces have seized two letters in the course of an operation carried out against the counter-revolutionary gangs. One of them was sent by the Jamiat-i-Islami central office, located in Peshawar (Pakistan), to a counter-revolutionary group conducting subversive operations inside Afghanistan.
The other was sent by the so-called High Command of another counter-revolutionary organization, Hizbi-i-Islami, to a certain military committee (no address is given but the committee is apparently based in Pakistan).
We consider it appropriate to make public the texts of the two letters.
The first one reads as follows:
“My brother Aziz,
“Captain Faizullah is being sent with a caravan to hand over to you the following arms and ammunition:
“1. 20 anti-tank missiles
“2. 22 machine-guns
“3. 5,500 rounds of machine-gun ammunition
“4. 18 anti-personnel mines
“5. 22 anti-tank mines
“6. 40 mortar shells.
“Confirm receipt of the above-mentioned arms and ammunition at the earliest opportunity. We shall deliver the remaining arms and ammunition to you in the nearest future.
“Brother Aziz,
“In your last letter you complain about the difficulties you have encountered. But you are back home together with your family whereas we live in a foreign land, among enemies. Our life here is extremely difficult. We are made to operate the direct supervision of U.S. advisers.
“Some days ago the American advisers made up a list of the questions concerning the use of poisonous substances by the Russians against the Mujahiddin in Afghanistan and of recommended replies.
“The above-mentioned poisonous chemical substances have been manufactured here for subsequent use in Afghanistan in order to convince the world public that it is the Russians who are using them.
“You will understand, of course, that we are totally powerless here and do everything the American advisers tell us to do.
“We must endure all hardships for the sake of our sacred goal.
“With best wishes,
(Signature)
November 11, 1983”
The second letter reads as follows:
“Hizbi-i-Islami Afghanistan
“December 2, 1983, c/o Military Committee,
“By the grace of Allah we have safely received a caravan of arms and ammunition you sent to the Kabul Province High Command together with the questionnaire containing recommended replies to the questions listed therein.
“We think that all means should be used against the enemy but it must be pointed out that here it is extremely difficult to get poisonous substances. Frankly speaking, they are not available at all. But we highly appreciate what our friends (the Americans–Ed.) are doing. Tell us in advance when the whole thing is due to begin, so we can pass the word around.
“We would also like to get from you confirmation of receipt of the money we had previously sent. If it did not reach you we would undertake a most thorough investigation into what might have gone wrong.
“With best wishes,
“High Command of the Kabul Province
(Seal, Signature)”
These two letters provide convincing evidence which can hardly be refuted.
A Bakhtar News Agency statement, made public at the press conference, says that the two letters are a clear indication that it is the United States which is behind an undeclared war against Afghanistan, while Afghan counter-revolutionary elements are at the beck and call of US advisers.
They show that all attempts by CIA experts to prove that the DRA Armed Forces and the limited Soviet military contingent in Afghanistan are using poisonous substances in that country are futile.
While the Reagan Administration is trying to resurrect the myth about the use of Agent Orange in Afghanistan and to deceive world public opinion, US imperialism has on several occasions employed chemical weapons against the Afghan people in violation of all existing international conventions. Below are some of the facts cited at the press conference.
Three years ago, grenades containing CDS 517 poisonous substances were captured from counter-revolutionaries in Herat Province. At the beginning of last year US-made RKT 83-mm chemical shells and M-12 tear gas containers were captured from gangs operating in Ghazni Province. Two years ago the bandits put poisonous chemical substances, delivered from abroad, into a water tank at a girls' school.
Bakhtar News Agency, February 2, 1984.
One has the German relation with the Arabs, of whom your scientists have not understood the background of. I of course express here my sympathies with the GDR research, and the translation’s work on the Soviet publication as Silizium und Leben, Akadamie-Verlag, Berlin, 1975, but such research was not, as of the political milieu, pursued.
Among your Western writers, you have those of populist appeal, Wallraff & Engelmann, Herr Grass, but I find not much, a limited, foreign appeal among such writings.
Among the pre-1990 FRG writings, of which I cite appreciation for, are the texts, and treatises, and medical case studies of doctors Franz Morrell (Freisenheim) and Reinhold Voll (Plochingen), and to a minor aspect that of Heinz-Hartmut Vogel (publishers in Eckwälden/Bad Boll).
Also one can list the work of the editors of Physikalische Medizin und Rehabilitation, Zeitschrift für praxisnahe Medizin, Organ des Zentralverbandes der Ärtze für Naturheilverfahren e.V., H. Haferkamp, R.F. Weiß, K. Schimmel, and K.H. Caspers, and the scientific advisers, M.v. Ardenne, A. Becker, H. Bialonski, J. Brand, F. Brantner, N. Breidenbach, P. Dosch, H. Fleischhacker, K. Franke, P. Frick, W. Galwick, H. Giesenbauer, H. Hamsen, E. Höllischer, H. Huneke, W.H. Kahlert, J. Kaiser, G. Kelner, K. Kötschau, W. Kohlrausch, H. Kolb, H. Krauß, R.v. Leitner, H. Mensen, W.v. Nathusius, H.D. Neumann, H. Paul, A. Pischinger, A. Rost, H. Seyfarth, O. Schumacher-Wandersleb, R. Voll, H.L. Walb, H. Winterberg, and W. Zimmermann.
The writings of Justus von Liebig, his research on dietary provisions of farm animals, from Chemische Briefe, 1844, is appreciated, though his (separate) interpretation of formulæ’s supplementation to human infants is short-coming.
Noted are your pharmaceutical manufacturers, a quality review of their products, is maintaining the efficacy thereof.
Yet, you have lacked an understanding of the following:
Electrolyte composition of human colostrum &
milk, expressed as mM/kg water, Macie, 1949.
The increased other elements in colostrum assist in the expulsion of mucous accumulation from the intestinal tract and lungs (Mn), stimulate the expulsion of bilirubin (Se), and establishes the regulatory function of the urinary tract and bowels (Zn).
Absence of colostrum provision to the infant not only is concomitant with deficient elemental stimulation to the thymus and the developing immune system, hereunder the mesenchymal derived tissues, but also deficient of elemental stimulus to the pancreatic secretion, of the newborn, see text box, in comparison to E. Bro-Rasmussen, S. Killmans, J.H. Thaysen, (1956) Acta phsyiol. scand. № 37, pp. 97-113, with high levels of pancreatic mixed secretion the chloride level is lessened.
milk, expressed as mM/kg water, Macie, 1949.
| Fluid | Na | K | Ca | Mn | Cl |
| Colostrum | 24.2 | 21.1 | 21.1 | 01.9 | 18.3 |
| Milk | 08.3 | 14.5 | 09.6 | 01.5 | 11.7 |
The increased other elements in colostrum assist in the expulsion of mucous accumulation from the intestinal tract and lungs (Mn), stimulate the expulsion of bilirubin (Se), and establishes the regulatory function of the urinary tract and bowels (Zn).
Absence of colostrum provision to the infant not only is concomitant with deficient elemental stimulation to the thymus and the developing immune system, hereunder the mesenchymal derived tissues, but also deficient of elemental stimulus to the pancreatic secretion, of the newborn, see text box, in comparison to E. Bro-Rasmussen, S. Killmans, J.H. Thaysen, (1956) Acta phsyiol. scand. № 37, pp. 97-113, with high levels of pancreatic mixed secretion the chloride level is lessened.
The publication of R. Voll, Indikationsliste der Nosoden und ihre Begleigttherapie für die ärztliche und zahnärztliche Praxis, 4, erweiterte Auflage 1966, and 5, erweiterte Auflage, 1998, with, in the newer edition, the inclusion of marzipan and of cacao under the heading of Genußgifte; this section should include also the sal ammoniac, productions of salt-licorice.
Sal ammoniac, NH4Cl, originally as presumed from the East Indian medicine as Dorema ammoniacum, Geschichte der Botanik, 1855, Vol. 2, p. 167, is in Europe added to licorice or formerly used in atomisers for the throat and the loosening of bronchial secretions. NH4Cl is an intestinal and hepatic stimulant, but it is also referred to as of a mild diuretic action, in fact it is toxic to the urological and reproductive organs.
Your journalists, should I return to that subject, I refer here to Daniel Mornet, Précis de Littérature Française, Larousse, Paris, 1925, on the positivist Hippolyte Taine:
« Ce déterminisme d’était pas nouveau : la race, le milieu (se qu’on appelait les climats), le moment même avaient été allégués avant Taine, par Montesquieu et d’autres, dès le XVIIIe siècle. L’originalité de Taine est de les avoir ordonnés dans un système rigoureux et puissamment illustré d’exemples. Elle est surtout d’y avoir ajouté autre chose qui les anime et qui les transpose. »
...« L’art de Taine pourrait se définir : positivisme et passion. »
and, to the (intentions) of the French writer Émile Zola, from Germinal, in reprint, Pocket Classiques 1998 edition, with commentary by Gérard Gemgembre, Les Clés de L’Œuvre : II - Dossier Historique et Littéraire, Zola et Germinal (Texte n° 1) :
L’AMBITION SCIÉNTIFIQUE DU ROMAN « Observation stricte du réel, soumission du roman aux lois du savoir scientifique, mise en évidence d’une déterminisme : Zola entend faire du roman une enterprise objective. De la théorie à la practique, la création fictionelle gagne considérablement en charge poétique et fantasmatique. Cependant, le manifeste naturaliste de Zola exprime aussi une ambition humanitaire : le romanier participe pleinement au progrès. »
« Et j’arrive ainsi au gros reproche dont on croit accabler les romanciers naturalistes en les traintant de fatalistes. Que de fois on a voulu nous prouver que, du moment où nous n’acceptions pas le libre arbitre, du moment où l’homme n’était plus pour nous qu’une machine animale agissant sous l’influence de l’hérédité et des milieux, nous tombions à un fatalisme grossier, nous ravalions l’humanité au rang d’un troupeau marchant sous le bâton de la destinée ! Il faut préciser : nous ne sommes pas fatalistes, nous sommes déterministes, ce qui n’est point la même chose. Claude Bernard explique très bien les deux termes « Nous avons donné le nom de déterminisme à la cause prochaine ou déterminante des phénomènes. Nous n’agissons jamais sur l’essence des phénomènes de la nature, mais seulement sur leur déterminisme, et par cela seul que nous agissons sur lui, le déterminisme diffère du fatalisme sur lequel on ne saurait agir. Le fatalisme suppose la manifestation nécessaire d’un phénomène indépendant de ses conditions, tandis que le déterminisme est la condition nécessaire d’un phénomène dont la manifestation n’est pas forcée. Une fois que la recherche du déterminisme des phénomènes est posée comme le principe fondamental de la méthode expérimentale, il n’y a plus ni matérialisme, ni spiritualisme, ni matière brute, ni matière vivante ; il n’y a que des phénomènes dont il faut déterminer les conditions, c’est-à-dire les circonstances qui jouent par rapport à ces phénomènes le rôle de cause prochaine. » Ceci est décisif. Nous ne faisons qu’appliquer cette méthode dans nos romans, et nous sommes donc des déterministes qui, expérimentalement, cherchant à déterminer les conditions des phénomènes, sans jamais sortir, dans notre investigation, des lois de la nature. Comme le dit trés bien Claude Bernard, du moment où nous pouvons agir, et où nous agissons sur le déterminisme des phénomènes, en modifiant les milieux par example, nous ne sommes pas des fatalistes.
Voilà donc le rôle moral du romancier expérimentateur bien défini. Souvent j’ai dit que nous n’avions pas à tirer une conclusion de nos œurves, et cela signifie que nos œuvres portent leur conclusion en elles. Un expérimentateur n’a pas à conclure, parce que, justement, l’expérience conclut pour lui. Cent fois, s’il le faut, il répétera l’expérence devant le public, il l’expliquera, mais il n’aura ni à s’indigner, ni à approuver personnellement : telle est la vérité , tel est le mécanisme des phénomènes ; c’est à la société de produire toujours ou de ne plus produire ce phénomène, si le résultat en est utile ou dangereux. On ne conçoit pas, je l’ai dit ailleurs, un savant se fâchant contre l’azote, parce que l’azote est impropre à la vie ; il supprime l’azote, quand il est nuisible, et pas davantage. Comme notre pourvoir n’est pas le même que celui de ce savant, comme nous sommes des expérimentateurs sans être des praticiens, nous devons nous contenter de chercher le déterminisme des phénomènes sociaux, en laissant aux législateurs, aux hommes d’application, le soin de diriger tôt ou tard ces phénomènes, de façon à développer les bons et à réduire les mauvais, au point de vue de l’utilité humaine.
Je résume notre rôle de moralistes expérimentateurs. Nous montrons le mécanisme de l’utile et du nuisible, nous dégageons le déterminisme des phénomènes humains et sociaux, pour qu’on puisse un jour dominer et diriger ces phénomènes. En un mot, nous travaillons avec tout le siècle à la grande œuvre qui est la conquête de la nature, la puissance de l’homme décuplée. Et voyez à côte de la nôtre, la besogne des écrivains idéalistes, qui s’appuient sur l’irrationnel et le surnaturel, et dont chaque élan est suivi d’une chute profonde dans le chaos métaphysique. C’est nous qui avons la force, c’est nous qui avons la morale. »
Émile Zola, Introduction au Roman expérimental, 1880.
Zola had, according to the Englishman Douglas Parmée, in writing of Zola’s ideas under the influence of Claude Bernard, thought to “use the novel as a sort of laboratory to prove ...hypotheses”, one recalls Le Roman Expérimental, as an analogue to Bernard’s Introduction à la médecine expérimentale, Zola had by the time he wrote La Terre abandoned such nonsensical ideas, according to the Englishman, but Parmée insists that in the result “psychology was not ruthlessly sacrificed to physiology”.
My colleague of course, a doctor from Hamburg, I shall omit his name, has pointed out the limits of the adoption of a positivistic belief system, where “the progress of elementary needs and the limits of the biological reaction possibilities goes unnoticed, and where things are confused with a substitute performance”. Here, in fact, comes the dialectic-materialist analysis where the interactions of sociology, pædagogy, and disease susceptiblity can be elaborated upon.
It is unfortunate therefore that Zola has not – as a naturalist – pursued his Roman expérimental, in the writing of La Terre; he may have approached the realm of Socialist realism.
Should one ask, do I have displeasure over the German foreign policy, or animosity towards the German peoples, over the involvement of the state and of a German firm in the violation of the 1990 Final Settlement Regarding Germany, well, that is, the conspiracy to engage in use of enhanced radiation weaponry, neutron bombs, as against the Arab (Iraqis), my sympathies are for the restoration of science, which, the German bourgeoisie, cannot claim exclusive prerogatives over.
The following represents my commentary on DRA captured documents, circa 1983, this current provision to the German parliament, of course obliges immediate withdrawal of the German contingent from the Emirate of Afghanistan, and of an immediate cessation of German support, diplomatic, or other foreign policy measures, to the post-occupation political entity established in the Republic of Iraq.
I convey my trust that the German parliament will establish a foreign policy committee to address German representation at the listed reparations’ tribunal
Sincerely, Eric Lindblad – 12 October 2009.
Documents from Afghanistan - Nov. & Dec., 1983.
Editor - Eric Lindblad
Note from the present editor, Eric Lindblad:
There are two errors in the below Soviet text, one is that of reference to the high esteem of which the UN charter is held by the Soviet editors, I cannot herewith comment on the Helsinki Final Act, but it is known that I am sympathetic with the Helsinki process, as defined as CSCE, not as of the subsequent re-named OSCE. The second is that of the Soviet assistance to Afghanistan in the 1950's period, again in the period following the Revolution of Saur 7, 1357 (April 27, 1978) which led to the creation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA) on Jadi 6, 1358 (December 27, 1979), the Introduction of the Soviet publication is not reproduced here, however in the first page thereof is mention of “agriculture in pre-revolutionary Afghanistan as being backward, characterized by low technical level and predominant use of manual labour”, it is presumed that in both periods, that of beginning in the mid-1950's, subsequent to General Secretary J. Stalin's death, that is the period of N. Khrushchev, as General Secretary, and in the period following the establishment of the DRA, that in both instances there were Soviet foreign policy measures towards, albeit with Afghan govt. expressed sympathies, towards the mechanization of sectors of Afghan agriculture. Herewith it has since been elaborated on the deficiencies of the Khrushchev 'virgin land's' projects, domestically within the Soviet republics, and of noted lack of Soviet scientific understanding of the nature and capabilities of the Afghan agricultural terrain zones. Indeed application of a more modern construct of dialectic-materialism, transposed with Islamic conceptions of water usage, the use of, marine, brown algæ's ash, sodium reduced, as applied with manual labour, on beds & fields, where plants for production of composts would be pursued, would provide for a more comprehensive agronomical policy, and of medical benefit for the Afghan peoples, through dietary provisions of ultra-trace elements present in seawater, which can be depleted from soils where industrial-technical agricultural practices are pursued.
The following documents/extracts will be attached to the reparations tribunal scheduled for August 28, 2010, in Denmark; see “Reciprocal Warfare and its Critiqué by the Natural Law School” on the Russian Internet site Iraq-War Mirror, in the Historical analysis section, as
The chapter on Foreign Journalists Reporting on Afghanistan, includes a reproduction of a report from the French newspaper l'Humanite, of February 28, 1985, by Serge Leyrac, which refers to the counter-revolutionaries [under US auspices – Ed.] carrying out assassinations and other acts of terrorism, attacking schools and teachers, doctors and hospitals, and of people responsible for the Land and Water Reform, and of the worst terrorist acts that are carried out “blindly”, such as setting off bombs in cinemas, mosques or in buses, other transportation facilities as the Kabul airport.
The similar as conveyed under the foreign occupation in Iraq.
Further that the USA would allege as basis for invasion of Iraq in 2002-2003, both in the legislative bills and executive administrative section statements, that Iraq had possession of chemical WMD, when the USSR copied and published (1986) DRA captured counter-revolutionary documents referring to, under US auspices, the conspiracy to use against the Afghan populace weaponised poisonous chemical substances, deserves at present international diplomatic attention.
THE TRUTH ABOUT AFGHANISTAN
Novosti Press Agency Publishing House
Moscow 1986
Compiled by:
Vladimir ASHITKOV
Karen GEVORKYAN
Vladimir SVETOZAROV
© Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, 1986
Editing completed on December 11, 1985.
Chapter 2 – USSR-AFGHANISTAN: TRADITIONS OF FRIENDSHIP
The basis of Soviet-Afghan relations was laid in the first years following the 1917 Socialist Revolution in Russia. The Revolution made null and void the imperialist Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1907 on the division of the spheres of influence in the East, which seriously encroached on Afghanistan's national sovereignty. The first Soviet foreign-policy acts, in particular the Decree on Peace and the appeal “To All the Working Muslims of Russia and the East”, were enthusiastically welcomed by Afghanistan's patriotic circles working for their country's complete independence from Britain.
Afghanistan achieved independence in early 1919. And the Soviet state became the first officially to recognize its southern neighbour's independence.
In early April 1919, Emir Amanullah Khan of Afghanistan sent a message of friendship to Moscow in which he addressed Vladimir Lenin and his associates as “friends of mankind who undertook the noble and honourable task of working for peace and the well-being of the people and who proclaimed the principle of freedom and equality of all countries and nations of the world”.
Lenin's reply to the message was dated May 27, 1919, which became an official date marking the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries.
The Soviet-Afghan Treaty of Friendship signed in 1921 became a milestone in the development of bilateral ties. What are the main features of that accord which has retained its importance to this day? To begin with, it was the first equal treaty concluded by the independent Afghan state with a great power. It helped strengthen Afghanistan's political sovereignty and positions on the world scene. British imperialism had to reckon with the fact that the Afghan people were no longer alone. The British government had for a long time refused to recognize Afghanistan's national sovereignty. However, after the Soviet-Afghan Treaty had been signed Britain was forced to recognize officially the country's independence and sovereignty.
The Treaty enshrined in legal terms the principled policy of the world's first socialist state aimed at developing friendly, equitable and mutually beneficial relations with Afghanistan. Although the young Soviet state was itself in dire straits after the devastating world war and Civil war, in keeping with the Treaty it immediately gave both economic and military aid, which was quite considerable for those days, to its southern neighbour. Among other things, it supplied equipment for telegraph lines, sent technical specialists, built a gunpowder factory, and granted a loan of one million gold roubles. That marked the beginning of technical and economic assistance by the Soviet state to Afghanistan. This assistance steadily increased in subsequent years, especially over the past few decades.
The importance of the 1921 Treaty lies in the fact that for the first time in history an inter-state agreement affirmed principles reflecting a new type of international relationship: non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality, and mutual respect. These principles were later embodied in the UN Charter and in the Helsinki Final Act. The same principles formed the basis of the subsequent treaties and agreements signed between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan: the 1926 Paghman Pact of Neutrality and Non-Aggression and a similar treaty signed in 1931. Thanks to the latter treaty Afghanistan was able to stand up to Nazi Germany's attempts in the late 1930's and early 1940's to violate its neutrality status and drag it into the Second World War on its side.
Forty years have passed since the end of that war, the most devastating in human history. Afghanistan was not touched by its flames, but Afghan people are well aware that this became possible only thanks to the Soviet Union, the valour of its Armed Forces, and the staunchness of its people – 20 million Soviet people lost their lives in the fight against the Nazi invaders. The Nazi hordes in their advance on the Middle East and Central Asia were halted on the banks of the Volga and the mountains of the Caucasus at the price of incredible sacrifices made by the Soviet people.
The defeat of fascism, to which the Soviet Union made the decisive contribution, saved Afghanistan and other Asian countries and peoples from Nazi enslavement. It has also paved the way for the further all-round development of Soviet-Afghan friendly ties. In postwar years Soviet economic assistance to its southern neighbour has markedly increased. The scope of bilateral economic and technical cooperation has particularly widened since the mid-1950's. Several large projects in the food, power, and metal-working industries, irrigation facilities and highways were built and put into operation in Afghanistan. Trade also grew at a rapid pace.
What is important is that the Soviet Union, while giving extensive economic assistance to Afghanistan, never demanded any privileges for itself, never attached any political stings to it, never sought any advantages at the expense of its southern neighbour's national interests. Equipment supplied by the Soviet Union to Afghanistan has always been of high quality, and it is usually sold at prices below those of the world market. Soviet credits are provided on a long-term basis, with interest rates being favourable to the Afghan side.
Intensive development of economic ties with the USSR enabled Afghanistan in the 1970's to lay the groundwork for setting up a chemical, gas and power industry and several other industrial sectors of its own. The Soviet Union also helped the Afghans to train their own specialists and skilled workers.
In recent years much has been written in the West about Soviet policy towards Afghanistan, whose authors try to find some “selfish” motives in the policy, motives that encouraged the Soviet Union to develop all-round economic and other ties with Afghanistan in the 1920's and again in the 1950's and 1970's. But their efforts are in vain, for such motives simply do not exist. The fact is that the Soviet Union is moved by a genuine desire to establish good, friendly relations with a neighbouring state.
Political relations between the Soviet republic, the world's first socialist country, and Afghanistan, a semi-feudal monarchy, were characterized by the observance of generally accepted standards of international behaviour, including recognition of each other's sovereign rights. Moreover, the relations were developed in a way that helped protect both countries' national interests. Afghanistan had always found understanding and support on the part of the Soviet Union in pursuing a policy of positive neutrality and non-alignment, in repulsing the numerous attempts by imperialist circles to draw it into aggressive military-political blocs, and in defending its right to follow an independent policy both at home and on the international scene. The Soviet Union, for its part, appreciated Afghanistan's desire to develop good relations with its northern neighbour and its firm commitment to neutrality. Afghanistan could always rely and did rely on Soviet support in pursuing this policy. That was clearly seen in the mid-1950's when relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan became extremely tense. The imperialist circles headed by the USA tried to use the Pushtun crisis to put increasing pressure on Afghanistan and involve it in their anti-Soviet strategy in the Middle East. Significantly, already then Pakistan served as a tool of US subversive, anti-Afghan actions.
To deny to Afghanistan the right of transit across Pakistani territory was tantamount to an economic blockade. Under those conditions the Soviet Union complied with the Afghan government's request on the transit of goods across Soviet territory, thus giving it effective help in breaking the economic blockade.
In assessing the development of Soviet-Afghan relations prior to the 1978 National-Democratic Revolution, one should bear in mind that even in the most complex international situations they provided an example of peaceful and mutually beneficial cooperation between states with different social systems. It was an example of how relations should be shaped between neighbours, including those following different paths of social development.
Chapter 5 – "PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE" AGAINST THE DRA Appendix, Item 4
Who is Using Chemical Weapons in Afghanistan?
(Excerpts from a report on a press conference held for Afghan and foreign journalists at the DRA Ministry of Foreign Affairs on February 27, 1984)
As has been announced at the press conference held on February 27, 1984, the DRA Armed Forces have seized two letters in the course of an operation carried out against the counter-revolutionary gangs. One of them was sent by the Jamiat-i-Islami central office, located in Peshawar (Pakistan), to a counter-revolutionary group conducting subversive operations inside Afghanistan.
The other was sent by the so-called High Command of another counter-revolutionary organization, Hizbi-i-Islami, to a certain military committee (no address is given but the committee is apparently based in Pakistan).
We consider it appropriate to make public the texts of the two letters.
The first one reads as follows:
“My brother Aziz,
“Captain Faizullah is being sent with a caravan to hand over to you the following arms and ammunition:
“1. 20 anti-tank missiles
“2. 22 machine-guns
“3. 5,500 rounds of machine-gun ammunition
“4. 18 anti-personnel mines
“5. 22 anti-tank mines
“6. 40 mortar shells.
“Confirm receipt of the above-mentioned arms and ammunition at the earliest opportunity. We shall deliver the remaining arms and ammunition to you in the nearest future.
“Brother Aziz,
“In your last letter you complain about the difficulties you have encountered. But you are back home together with your family whereas we live in a foreign land, among enemies. Our life here is extremely difficult. We are made to operate the direct supervision of U.S. advisers.
“Some days ago the American advisers made up a list of the questions concerning the use of poisonous substances by the Russians against the Mujahiddin in Afghanistan and of recommended replies.
“The above-mentioned poisonous chemical substances have been manufactured here for subsequent use in Afghanistan in order to convince the world public that it is the Russians who are using them.
“You will understand, of course, that we are totally powerless here and do everything the American advisers tell us to do.
“We must endure all hardships for the sake of our sacred goal.
“With best wishes,
(Signature)
November 11, 1983”
The second letter reads as follows:
“Hizbi-i-Islami Afghanistan
“December 2, 1983, c/o Military Committee,
“By the grace of Allah we have safely received a caravan of arms and ammunition you sent to the Kabul Province High Command together with the questionnaire containing recommended replies to the questions listed therein.
“We think that all means should be used against the enemy but it must be pointed out that here it is extremely difficult to get poisonous substances. Frankly speaking, they are not available at all. But we highly appreciate what our friends (the Americans–Ed.) are doing. Tell us in advance when the whole thing is due to begin, so we can pass the word around.
“We would also like to get from you confirmation of receipt of the money we had previously sent. If it did not reach you we would undertake a most thorough investigation into what might have gone wrong.
“With best wishes,
“High Command of the Kabul Province
(Seal, Signature)”
These two letters provide convincing evidence which can hardly be refuted.
A Bakhtar News Agency statement, made public at the press conference, says that the two letters are a clear indication that it is the United States which is behind an undeclared war against Afghanistan, while Afghan counter-revolutionary elements are at the beck and call of US advisers.
They show that all attempts by CIA experts to prove that the DRA Armed Forces and the limited Soviet military contingent in Afghanistan are using poisonous substances in that country are futile.
While the Reagan Administration is trying to resurrect the myth about the use of Agent Orange in Afghanistan and to deceive world public opinion, US imperialism has on several occasions employed chemical weapons against the Afghan people in violation of all existing international conventions. Below are some of the facts cited at the press conference.
Three years ago, grenades containing CDS 517 poisonous substances were captured from counter-revolutionaries in Herat Province. At the beginning of last year US-made RKT 83-mm chemical shells and M-12 tear gas containers were captured from gangs operating in Ghazni Province. Two years ago the bandits put poisonous chemical substances, delivered from abroad, into a water tank at a girls' school.
Bakhtar News Agency, February 2, 1984.